Damascus re-born
The Syrian capital is embracing its newfound identity

When Abu Alaa, a prominent Damascene businessman, urged his opposition friends to accept reality – “The regime has won; just come back home and let's get the sanctions lifted” – few anticipated the dramatic reversal about to unfold. Indeed, the initial news of opposition forces advancing on Aleppo late last November barely registered on local WhatsApp chats.

Abu Ahmed, a cautious Damascene textile trader, quickly brushed aside the news: “Just another Turkish manoeuvre to squeeze concessions from Russia, followed by the usual retreat and losses.”

Yet when opposition forces did seize Aleppo, locals' anxieties persisted. "These aren't statesmen," grumbled another businessman, "just Islamists soon to fight each other, as always." 

On December 7, however, Damascus saw a rare display of urgency. Merchants abruptly shuttered shops, became glued to TVs and phones, and frantically reconnected with long-lost revolutionary friends and family from the north. Their economy had suffered years of sanctions, extortionate levies, and pitiful salaries. Any change was welcome.

Damascus's spontaneous jubilation upon liberation by HTS-led forces surprised everyone, even the locals. Joyful mobs stormed security headquarters and congregated triumphantly in Umayyad Square, rifles blazing skyward. Predictably, chaos quickly followed as uncontrolled rebels, opportunistic criminals freshly freed from jails, and former regime men who had shed their uniforms looted at will.

Yet order swiftly returned with the entry of HTS’s brigades. Damascenes discovered an unlikely hero in Abu Mohammad al-Jolani, seen less as a foreign invader than as a returning son from a well-to-do Damascene neighbourhood. Stoically shrugging off the looting of his goods from the duty free market, one merchant declared: “We’ll recover quickly – the real prize is freedom.” 

The morning after liberation, years of pent-up grief burst forth. Thousands of Damascene mothers opened mourning houses for their children who had been killed or disappeared during the preceding 14 years. Mosques proudly displayed martyrs' names, and hosted gatherings that were openly protected by the new authorities.

On liberation’s first Friday, crowds packed the Great Umayyad Mosque and later staged a victory rally at Umayyad Square. Days later, Ahmed Sharaa (as he was now known) and Turkey’s intelligence chief visited, and were warmly embraced by enthusiastic crowds. The giant Umayyad sword sculpture quickly became the icon of the newfound freedom. 

Most Damascenes saw all uniformed arrivals as being "from HTS", conveniently overlooking the diversity of the factions that actually took the city. Liberation day was widely viewed less as the culmination of a 14-year struggle than a swift, 11-day blitzkrieg – something quietly corrected only weeks later by now-President Sharaa in his "victory speech" - though HTS happily absorbed the glory.

Damascenes initially appreciated their northern liberators' resemblance to local conservative Sunni society but bristled at some HTS members' attempts to impose ultra-conservative religious strictures. A local cleric neatly summed up a widespread sentiment: “We Damascenes favour moderation. This isn't Kandahar. Extremism will never settle comfortably here.”

An early priority for HTS was winning religious legitimacy. Sharaa dispatched his envoy to Sheikh Naim Arqasousi, Damascus's most influential but Assad regime-friendly scholar. Shortly thereafter, Sharaa himself convened Damascus's diverse religious leadership, notably honouring Sheikh Osama al-Rifai, who was later appointed as the new Grand Mufti. This respectful inclusivity did much to reassure the wary capital. 

A minority of Damascenes associated with the former regime began openly to insult Assadist symbols while cautiously keeping communication lines open with old contacts, just in case of a reversal. The academic and intellectual elite used to the old ways spread its undermining narratives, while carefully infiltrating educational and cultural institutions in hope of regaining some influence. 

As the new regime cemented its position, Assad loyalists swiftly turned coats, quietly branding their new masters "uncivilised" while ostentatiously flying the new flag. One Damascene lawyer remarked drily: "They used to flatter Assad shamelessly. Now they flatter Sharaa shamelessly. Some habits never change. They’re just looking for a new master." 

In the wake of liberation, Alawite enclaves in the capital stirred briefly, encouraged by pro-Iran provocateurs. Yet thousands of Damascenes peacefully confronted Mezzeh’s Alawite neighbourhood, appealing for calm: "Hand over your guns. It's time to become citizens, not settlers” was their message.  

The Damascene business class meanwhile faced new challenges from the savvy, Idlib-based entrepreneurs who secured early deals with the incoming regime. The appointment of northerners as heads of chambers of commerce and industry and the flooding of Damascus’ markets with Turkish-made goods have not gone down well. One wary businessman lamented: “We waited years for normality, but now we're threatened by the newcomers. It feels like we’re trading one set of cliques for another."

Revolutionary activists, too, felt marginalised, sidelined both by yesterday's foes and today's allies. Many resented locals' unquestioning support for Sharaa and their seeming indifference to democracy and liberal values. Yet ordinary Damascenes often regarded these returning activists sceptically, accusing them of having "missed the war” while sipping cappuccinos in Istanbul. 

Ultimately, most Damascenes understood power's age-old calculus: any stable Syrian authority requires Damascus’s tacit support. Sharaa, evidently grasping this, deployed the historical legacy of the Umayyads, projecting Syria anew as a restored heartland of Arabism and Sunni Islam. After decades of Assadist and Iranian influence that saw the city import “alien” cultures, most locals eagerly embraced this unabashed identity. “We're finally reclaiming our dignity after decades,” reflected one dentist. “It's time Damascus regained its rightful place in Syria and the world.”