The fight goes on
A conversation with Badr Jamous

The Syrian Negotiation Commission (SNC) – the negotiating arm of the Syrian opposition – recently amended its by-laws, extending the term of the presidency from one to two years. This allowed the re-election of Badr Jamous as President; but the amendment sparked accusations of undemocratic practices. It also came amid a stalled political process, continuing Arab normalisation, and growing calls in Europe for direct engagement with the Assad regime. To learn more about how the SNC plans to meet these challenges, Syria in Transition spoke with Dr Jamous.  

You have been given a renewed mandate as the head of the SNC after the members voted to amend the by-laws to allow you to stay on. What were the reasons for this change?
Jamous: First and foremost, it’s important to clarify that the SNC is not a government entity and does not possess executive tools like a government. Viewing its by-laws as being akin to a constitution would be a mistake. The SNC is a specialised body with one goal: to negotiate a political solution on behalf of the opposition. The rationale behind changing the by-laws was to keep pace with events.

At the outset of the revolution, our focus was always on the near and medium term. We did not expect the crisis to last for that many years. Over time, it became clear to the various components of the SNC that one-year leadership terms were impractical. Effective leadership requires time to build international relationships and implement strategies, which in democratic systems typically takes several years. After extensive discussions and deliberations, we concluded that leadership terms should be extended to at least two years, and the SNC members voted to amend the by-laws accordingly. The extension of my tenure can be seen as a vote of confidence in the SNC’s efforts and accomplishments, both within Syrian communities and with the international community.

What is your plan for the coming year?
Jamous: It will be all about revitalising the role of the opposition and restoring the agency of Syrians in shaping the conflict’s outcome. We have established strong relationships with Syrian communities and civil society, research centres, business associations, and other interest groups. My aim is to transform the SNC into an even more credible and inclusive body, one that is supported by all segments of the Syrian population. This will enable us to present a united negotiating front with both external actors and the regime in Damascus to find a fair and just solution for the Syrian people.

Given the growing trend of normalisation with Assad and the stagnation in the political process, is there a risk that the SNC could become irrelevant?
Jamous: On the contrary. We view the normalisation efforts by some governments as temporary measures aimed at alleviating the immediate fallout of the conflict bilaterally. It is becoming increasingly evident that these efforts are not a sustainable solution to the Syrian crisis. Without a comprehensive political resolution, Syria will remain fragmented under multiple spheres of influence. 

Many countries are beginning to recognise this reality. As a result, the SNC is now involved in multiple negotiation processes. Previously, our negotiations were primarily with the UN and the regime, but today, we are also engaging with numerous countries — regional and international — as well as various actors within Syria. The demand for the SNC to manage these negotiations has grown recently, and this is met by the SNC’s belief that we cannot simply wait for third parties to resolve the Syrian crisis; we must actively engage in finding pathways to a political solution in line with UNSCR 2254.

Does your outreach include the protest movement in Suweida, where activists have elected a representative political body?
Jamous: Since the beginning of the protests in Suweida, we established a committee to engage with and support the Suweida movement. We have held meetings with their representatives and invited them to speak at meetings with international stakeholders. Recently, we proposed that they elect a representative to join the SNC in order to ensure their voice is strong and effectively represented.

The UN Special Envoy for Syria has prioritised progress on the Constitutional Committee and confidence-building measures through a step-for-step methodology, but no progress has been made. How do you assess the potential of both initiatives?
Jamous: The Constitutional Committee and the step-for-step approach are relevant as they derive their legitimacy from UNSCR 2254. However, the regime’s refusal to engage with the UN and its constant evasion of international commitments have stalled any meaningful progress. We believe the Special Envoy’s mandate allows for more assertive action, such as transparently reporting the state of negotiations — including clearly identifying spoilers — to the UN Security Council. This transparency is essential to trigger new discussions and apply the necessary pressure on the regime to move forward.

Moreover, the Special Envoy should increase international coordination by involving Arab countries, the Arab League contact group, Turkey, the EU, US and others. Currently, each actor engages with the regime separately, and after 15 months, Arab countries have made little to no progress. The Special Envoy should unify these separate efforts into a cohesive dialogue to exert greater pressure on the regime.

Until now, attempts for confidence-building measures seem to be bilaterally between governments and the regime, or between the West and the regime, with the opposition sidelined. Where do you see the SNC’s role in this process?
Jamous: The Syrian crisis began in 2011 as a conflict between the regime and the Syrian people, and not between the regime and other countries. For confidence-building measures to be effective and legitimate, they must equally involve the opposition. We consistently remind Mr Pedersen that his mandate is to mediate between the opposition and the regime, not between the regime and other states. The SNC is prepared for this role and has concrete ideas to bring to the table.

Amidst the US’s indifference towards Syria, you called for enhanced political cooperation between Saudi Arabia and Turkey on the Syrian file to create new diplomatic momentum. Do you see that happening now?
Jamous: There are positive indicators following the Saudi foreign minister’s visit to Ankara, including discussions about a Turkish-Saudi strategic council. We see potential for meaningful synergies between Saudi Arabia and Turkey on the Syrian file. Saudi Arabia plays a crucial role in the Arab world and in the Arab contact group, while Turkey is a key regional power with a significant presence on the ground in Syria and hosts millions of Syrians. Turkish-Saudi cooperation could indeed be a powerful catalyst for advancing the political process. 

Northern Syria has recently seen protests against the Syrian opposition that were, among other things, triggered by reports of a possible Turkey-Assad rapprochement. Do you think Turkey, as one of your closest allies, is undermining your support among the Syrian people?
Jamous: We understand the frustrations of the Syrian people. They have suffered greatly from arrests, displacements, and killings, and the continued destruction of Syrian society by the regime. The Syrian people are angry about the ongoing crisis, and disappointed with countries that supported them for years and now seem to turn towards the regime. 

The lack of clarity from the Turkish leadership regarding normalisation with the regime was surprising and sometimes confusing. However, Turkey has assured us that while it seeks to address specific issues with the regime, it will not pressure the political or military opposition. We have a meeting scheduled with the Turkish foreign minister to discuss these matters thoroughly. Ultimately, the decision rests with Ankara, but without a political solution that ensures a new future for Syria, refugees will not return, and terrorism will persist.

There are also governance issues that we are working to address. Turkey is committed to Syria’s unity and opposes the consolidation of separate regions within the country. This understandable stance has led to governance challenges, and we believe that there is a need for increased and better management by Syrians themselves. We are actively engaging with the Turkish leadership, and there are promises of greater Syrian involvement in managing northern Syria. 

How do you view the future of the SNC?
Jamous: The opposition has faced significant challenges over the years, often weakened by regional and international conflicts and by the geographical dispersion of its members. Parts of the opposition have been scattered in Jordan, Egypt, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar and Western countries. Disagreements among these countries have affected the opposition considerably.

For almost two years now, however, we have been on a path to recovery. The SNC has reconvened, reassembled its components, and opened up to the Syrian people. We have a very challenging task ahead of us: building a united front. This is our focus: creating a strong Syrian front behind the SNC to uphold UNSCR 2254. This front must be representative and robust, including all segments of the Syrian population: active forces on the ground, local leaders, interest groups, diaspora communities, research centers, activists, and many other components of civil society.  

The SNC has a comprehensive plan to achieve this and my extended term will allow us to continue the strides we have already made. For the first time this year, the SNC participated in the Brussels VIII donor conference, supported by Syrian civil society and our international friends and partners. However, there is still much work to be done to strengthen our presence, both among our constituents in Syria and in the diaspora.