Parliament is the pressure valve the government needs

The People’s Assembly on Salhiyeh Street is regal and steadfast. The nearly century-old building is made of beige stone overlaid with clean geometric lines in dark hues in a reinterpretation of traditional Syrian and Islamic styles. Originally built in 1932, it was largely destroyed in 1945 by the French during a bombing raid on Damascus. It would take nearly a decade for it to be rebuilt and expanded to take today’s form.

Accounts differ regarding why the parliament was targeted. Some say it was because parliamentary guards refused to salute the French flag, others say it occurred after French forces failed to apprehend speaker of parliament Saadallah al-Jabiri. Still others allege it happened after French forces attempted unsuccessfully to arrest both al-Jabiri and then-president Shukri al-Quwwatli.

What is known, however, is that the incident occurred against the backdrop of protests against French rule. The leader of the Free France forces, Charles de Gaulle, had promised Syria independence if its forces speciales – the Syrian armed forces, which drew heavily from minority communities – defected from the Nazi-aligned Vichy government. However, when World War II eventually drew to a close, De Gaulle, who then became president, still refused to do so, until forced by Britain in 1946.

Today, parliament symbolises Syria’s fight to free itself from the shackles of colonialism and establish a real democracy. In other words, it stands as a testament to Syrian sovereignty, at a time when the country continues to be an arena for competing regional and international interests. It also represents a reminder of its turbulent, democratic past—punctuated by no less than 10 military coups between 1949 and 1970—as well as its proximity to the Syrian people. Unlike the presidential palace—which is located atop Mount Mezzeh in the distant suburb of Dummar—parliament is located in the heart of Damascus, walking distance from Hamra, one of the city’s busiest commercial streets.

As protests proliferate across the country, parliament remains Syria’s best chance at a pressure valve that can absorb and channel popular discontent into concrete policy recommendations for the executive branch. If effectively empowered, the People’s Assembly could become a cornerstone of the government’s survival strategy.

In early June, dozens of protesters gathered in front of the People’s Assembly for the second Law and Dignity sit-in, after the first protest took place in early April. Protesters demanded the immediate convening of parliament, which had been stalled since last October, when indirect elections took place to select two-thirds of its members. Like the first sit-in, protesters espoused political, social, and economic demands, including calling for meaningful transitional justice, inclusive reconstruction, and a reversal of privatisation, as well as condemning hate speech and sectarianism. However, unlike the first sit-in, police did not step in to form a protective shield around protesters in front of pro-government counter-protesters to allow them to carry out their protest.

Instead, the security forces—many in civilian clothing—began photographing participants and asking journalists for their media accreditations, albeit while containing pro-government counter-protesters across the street. Less than an hour in, the police dispersed the protest as it did not have the necessary approvals. Shortly after the first sit-in, the Ministry of Interior had issued a circular requiring protests to obtain prior government authorisation. The demonstrations may have rattled the government: the protesters were largely composed of an educated elite—many former Assad detainees and opposition activists—who were able to channel discontent and articulate popular demands.

Weeks later, violent protests erupted across the country calling for transitional justice as only a handful of trials for former Assad regime officials have started. Over the last couple of weeks, protests have also unfolded against the continued presence of the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces in the northeastern province of al-Hasakeh. Since the beginning of the year, protests have also been organised intermittently by truckers, wheat farmers, and factory workers.

The proliferation of protests is indicative of something critical: Syrians need a pressure valve. Parliament could play precisely that role, especially once sessions become televised. If citizens begin to feel their grievances are being voiced by their local parliamentarians, they may not as readily take to the streets; instead, an institutional avenue will also be available to convey their demands through. In addition, the government needs an interlocutor that is able to hear popular demands and transform them into concrete policy recommendations. Parliament is best placed for that, and the government can rely on it to be collaborative rather than confrontational, given members of parliament were directly or indirectly appointed by al-Sharaa himself.

However, in order for that to happen, parliament needs the requisite resources, an institutional framework that empowers it, and—most importantly—an executive that sees it as a partner, rather than a threat.